OPINION AND ANALYSIS
LATAM WATCH

Trump: tailor-made for Latin America

Latin America knows how to ‘read’ the realestate tycoon better than anybody, interpreting many of his tweets and highoctane phrases as merely headlines to paper over uncomfortable realities.

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US President Donald Trump. | Cedoc.
“Whatever Donald Trump proposes, we already have

a Plan B.” That mantra was repeated over and over by

various Latin American political leaders in New York

last week when the United Nations General Assembly

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turned that city into a chaotic Tower of Babel.


Latin America is perhaps the region best prepared

to dance to The Donald’s tune. Accustomed to

its unpredictability and the drastic lurches between

one government and another, they are trained in rapid U-turns

or in pulling Plan Bs out of the hat (or even Plan Cs).


The region also knows how to ‘read’ the real

estate tycoon better than anybody, interpreting

many of his tweets and high-octane phrases

as merely headlines to paper over uncomfortable

realities (such as his failures in

Congress or his gaffes about white supremacy).

Nor do they scare easily when seeing

Trump constructing his own faction within the

Republican Party with candidates lacking any

political track record, such as in last Tuesday’s

senatorial primary in Alabama.


If he hems in Cuba even more, if he launches

into armed intervention in Venezuela, if he

rears economic and physical walls with Mexico,

if he dismantles the NAFTA free trade

agreement, if he throws out the Dreamers, if

he adds other Latin American countries to

Venezuela in his travel ban list – these are all

“what ifs” for which Latin American leaders

have their alternatives at the ready.


These alternatives were not, of course, manifested in the protocol

speeches to the United Nations but at meetings with less

microphones and press present and with conversation partners

more attentive to the juicy details. Like this journalist, witness to

the statements both off and on the record by the Latin American

top brass (a dozen or so presidents and ministers). So here is my

takeaway from last week in New York.


The biggest worry in the region is Venezuela and that was

the central issue of the dinner offered by the US president and

attended by Argentine Vice-President Gabriela Michetti, together

with Presidents Juan Carlos Varela (Panama), Michel

Temer (Brazil) and Juan Manuel Santos (Colombia). These

four improvised Latin American horsemen of the Apocalypse

(or the opposite) restated their rejection of any armed intervention

in Venezuela. “You are supposed to be the tough cookies,”

spat out Trump to his Panamanian and Colombian colleagues,

“and you won’t do anything?”


Their reply was loaded with soft power instead of gunpowder:

continue with the economic sanctions, aid the unification

of the opposition and keep pressing to isolate Venezuela internationally.

They also spoke of giving Nicolás Maduro a

deadline to call elections – by the Americas Summit scheduled

for Lima in the second half of March next year.


“If he does not call elections by that time, Maduro will be

indicted and convicted”, Panama’s president assured afterwards.

Nevertheless, at least two of the leaders dining with

Trump came away with the definite impression that he was

capable of moving quickly and decisively to apply force.


“He only has to send in a USAF jet,” said one.


Yet the Panamanian was bolder and proposed factoring the

Cubans into the search for a way out for Venezuela.


“Why not have them at the negotiating-table?” President

Varela said. There are said to be 6,000-8,000 Cubans in Venezuela

pulling the main strings for the régime. If a new president

is elected to succeed Maduro, could he bring together 5,000

officials to set the new government off and running? This was

the doubt transmitted to me when consulting one of the Latin

American top brass.


One collateral problem to the Venezuelan crisis is the influx

of refugees elsewhere. While the stream of Venezuelans crossing

over into Brazil has trebled since last year (over 12,000),

Colombia has already received 400,000 – half of them as the result of a humanitarian gesture by the Santos government

extending the 90-day tourist permit to two years.


As for the leading figures of the Caracas régime, who are

already beginning to pack their bags, President Varela in

person, in his zeal to improve the image of a lax tax haven

currently held by Panama, has said that he himself will be

deciding whether or not to accept each and every one of them.


As for the leading figures of the Caracas régime, who are

already beginning to pack their bags, President Varela in

person, in his zeal to improve the image of a lax tax haven

currently held by Panama, has said that he himself will be

deciding whether or not to accept each and every one of them.


The fourth problem for Latin Americans is

trade. Trump’s “America First” is reshaping

NAFTA, the commercial treaty signed between

the US, Canada and Mexico in 1994. If

it really comes down to the crunch, i.e. dissolution,

Enrique Peña Nieto’s government says

that it has its Plan B ready – press ahead with

Canada, replace imports (for example, buying

more maíze from Brazil and Argentina) and

“continue with the trade agreements we have

with 40 countries. Whatever happens with

NAFTA, it will be the blueprint for what may

come to other markets related with the US,”

said Luis Videgaray, Mexico’s Foreign Minister.


While the Mexicans believe in an intermediate solution redefining

the auto pact (the car industry explains the imbalance

in trade with the US), some Latin American countries are

licking their lips at the thought of taking over the markets being

abandoned by Venezuela. (Sorry, we just can’t get away from

Venezuela!). Namely the PetroCaribe areas in Central America

and the Caribbean, who used to be supplied by Venezuela’s

state-oil company PDVSA. Colombia, Panama and Ecuador

are already bracing themselves to take over that market.


Nevertheless, the most natural Plan B to Trump’s barriers

would be the Pacific Alliance, the successful commercial

agreement created in 2011 by Mexico, Chile, Colombia and

Peru. It was Chilean President Michelle

Bachelet who, at an

Americas Society

event in New

York last week,

declared that

the Trans-Pacific

Partnership (TPP)

being butchered

by Trump

could be re-incarnated

via

the Pacific

Alliance.


“We already

have Australia,

Canada, New

Zealand and

Singapore as

associate states:

perhaps that

might be the vehicle

for a new

TPP,” she said.


“This is a story

in progress,” she

added. As is anything

to do

with Trump.